Next, he adds that some just laws become unjust when they are misused. Further, because Alabama’s laws work to prohibit black citizens from fully participating in democracy, the laws are particularly unjust and undemocratic. Because it is a law that a majority forces the minority to follow while exempting itself from it, it is a law worth breaking. He then speaks specifically of segregation, describing it as unjust. He defines just laws as those that uphold human dignity, and unjust laws as those that “degrade human personality.” Unjust laws, he argues, hurt not only the oppressed, but also the oppressors, since they are given a false sense of superiority (175). However, he then distinguishes between just and unjust laws, insisting that an individual has both a right and a responsibility to break unjust laws. King then switches gears, noting that the clergymen are anxious over the black man’s “willingness to break laws.” He admits that his intention seems paradoxical, since he expects whites to follow laws that protect equality, while breaking others. King hopes that the clergymen will excuse his and his brethren’s impatience (173-174).ĭr. Because the black man has been pushed “into the abyss of despair,” Dr. Amongst these abuses is his experience explaining to his young daughter why she cannot go to the “public amusement park” because of her skin color. King insists that the black man has waited “more than 340 years” for justice, and he then launches into a litany of abuses that his people have suffered both over time and in his present day. In particular, the black community has waited long enough. They will always consider attacks on their privilege as “untimely,” especially because groups have a tendency towards allowing immorality that individuals might oppose (173). He next turns to the clergymen criticism that the SCLC action is “untimely.” After insisting that Albert Boutwell was not different enough to warrant patience, he launches into an extended claim that “privileged groups” will always oppose action that threatens the status quo. He admits that words like “tension” frighten white moderates, but embraces the concepts as “constructive and nonviolent.” He provides examples that suggest tension is necessary for humans to grow, and repeats that the tension created by direct action is necessary in this case if segregation is to end (171-172). King understands that the clergymen value negotiation over protest, but he insists that negotiations cannot happen without protest, which creates a “crisis” and “tension” that forces unwilling parties (in this case, the white business owners) to negotiate in good faith. Though the notorious racist Eugene “Bull” Connor was defeated in the election, his successor, Albert Boutwell, was also a pronounced segregationist. However, the SCLC chose to hold out because Birmingham had impending mayoral elections. When they decided they could, they then prepared to protest (171). When those negotiations broke down because of promises the white men broke, the SCLC planned to protest through “direct action.” Before beginning protests, however, they underwent a period of “self-purification,” to determine whether they were ready to work nonviolently, and suffer indignity and arrest. First, the SCLC confirmed that Birmingham had been practicing institutionalized racism, and then attempted to negotiate with white business leaders there. He then explains in detail his process of organizing nonviolent action. King believes the clergymen have erred in criticizing the protestors without equally exploring the racist causes of the injustice that is being protested (170-171). However, he then provides a moral reason for his presence, saying that he came to Birmingham to battle “injustice.” Because he believes that “all communities and states” are interrelated, he feels compelled to work for justice anywhere that injustice is being practiced. One of its affiliates had invited the organization to Birmingham, which is why they came. He defends his right to be there in a straightforward, unemotional tone, explaining that the SCLC is based in Atlanta but operates throughout the South. King tells the clergymen that he was upset about their criticisms, and that he wishes to address their concerns.įirst, he notes their claim that he is an “outsider” who has come to Birmingham to cause trouble (170). King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) during their protests in Birmingham. “Letter from Birmingham Jail” is addressed to several clergymen who had written an open letter criticizing the actions of Dr.
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